Conclusion
The transformations which affected indulgences and charitable collections in the 1530s and 1540s showed that change was neither immediate nor complete,as Reformation worked its way through the system.While localities accepted change,the rate and nature of the changes was not something which could be planned for.In 1538-9,after the dissolution of the local abbey,Halesowen parish church took some of the spoils to enhance its own religious routine,which suggests lingering catholic devotionalism.[85]At Thetford priory in Norfolk there was a similar transfer,with the priory taking over relics from another dissolved house to incorporate into its own regime.Subsequent priory accounts show a house continuing as well as it could,and having to accommodate some aspects of a new religious order,but with no real sense of imminent extinction of the house or monasticism.The regular accounting round continued,until abruptly ended by the priory's dissolution.[86]Ambiguity,or care,cloaks much evidence of personal religious attitudes in the last years of Henry VIII;suggesting both acceptance of reform and retention of catholicism.This is neatly made visible in a tomb erected in a Sussex church probably around 1545.[87]One of its texts appeals to Christ's cross and passion to secure salvation,and can be read from a Protestant perspective and under the influence of hindsight as an acceptance of reform.However,the tomb also includes a carving of the Annunciation and the first words of the Hail Mary:that might be validly considered an indicator of retained catholicism.
The acceptance of and resistance to change reflected in a whole range of cases from across England demonstrate that England's Reformation was a slow process,one which seems to become longer and slower as the narratives and the historiography change.Change over time is also change in time and in space.Rates of change vary;compliance is not complicity.As the career of Christopher Trichay as vicar at Morebath in Devon reveals,[88]local responses to Reformation were also highly personal and idiosyncratic;regional,parochial,familial and individual responses to the demands for change were not uniform.Again,broad brush-strokes hide the differences as effectively as do the gaps in the sources.
Where does this lead to?It can be claimed that the overthrow of the‘Dickens’view of the English Reformation has finally and fully liberated interpretations of late medieval English church history from the baleful influence of seeing the pre-Reformation period through the search for origins of the sixteenth-century climacteric.Dickens's master narrative slid over the complexities derived from the fragmentations of local and everyday religion.Revisionism exposed the weakness of earlier Reformation histories and their defective treatment of the late medieval church.There is,however,a danger that revisionism may have simply replaced one questionable stereotype with another,one which still assumes that English catholicism needs no precise definition or analysis,and was a monolith universally static and identical,apart from the minor irritant of lingering Lollardy.Taken as a given,and thereby reinstating the academic iron curtain which revisionism came close to demolishing,this allows the structure,character and doctrines of the pre-Reformation English church to be summarised briefly before embarking on the‘real’story.[89]The true nature and quality of English religion and spirituality before the Reformation—in particular its complexity and fluidity—is thereby once more swept under the carpet,producing yet another distorted context for the appreciation of English responses to Reformation.In reality,awareness and understanding of the institutional church and religious practices in pre-Reformation England is still incomplete and developing.The current reevaluation of the role of the religious orders and religious houses will have a significant impact,while there is still a need for a proper and thorough assessment of the late-medieval parish as an institution and as a social,economic,and religious unit.[90]As this work progresses and gaps are filled,a fuller and clearer understanding of local religious dynamics and the nature of everyday spirituality and devotional practices will appear,although this understanding will also be much more complex and more challenging.It will provide a starting point for a fuller appreciation of how the largely-unheard majority of their subjects faced up to the mind-bending doctrinal and practical changes in English religion which they had to live with in the last years of the reign of King Henry VIII and under the rule of his son and daughters.
【注释】
[1]The first version of this paper was presented in New York in April 2004 at a session of the annual meeting of the Renaissance Society of America.The University of Birmingham provided funding to attend that conference.That original version was significantly revised for delivery at the International Symposium on Political and Cultural Changes in Late Medieval and Early Modern England held at Wuhan University in September 2009.It has been further revised for publication to incorporate more recent work,but makes no claims to survey everything which has been produced in the continuing flood of publications on the early English Reformation.An important contribution which was published only weeks after the Wuhan conference,and covers similar ground but from a different perspective,is P.Marshall,‘(Re)defining the English Reformation’,Journal of British Studies,48(2009),564-586.
[2]This tension emerges strongly in the latest discussion of the church in early sixteenth-century England:G.W.Bernard,The Late Medieval English Church:Vitality and Vulnerability before the Break with Rome(New Haven and London,2012).The book seeks to write a history in which the Reformation was not inevitable,but struggles to evade it.The search for‘vulnerability’means that the Reformation and its changes are a constant presence,but the potential alternative evolutions based on‘vitality’do not receive much attention.
[3]E.Duffy,The Stripping of the Altars:Traditional Religion in England,1400-1580(New Haven and London,1992;2nd edn 2005),384-385,407-408[The pagination of the main text is the same in both editions].
[4]Duffy,Stripping of the Altars,464-465,467;for the Elizabethan situation, G.J.Cuming,A History of Anglican Liturgy(London,1969),120-135.For signs of a revival of local liturgies under Mary I see W.Wizeman,The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor's Church(Aldershot and Burlington,VT,2006),121-122.
[5]J.A.Twemlow(ed.),Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland:Papal Letters,Vol.Ⅵ:A.D.1404-1415(London,1904),377;J.Raine(ed.),The Fabric Rolls of York Minster(Surtee Society,35,1858),277,289.
[6]A.G.Dickens,The English Reformation(London,1964;2nd edn,London, 1989).
[7]G.F.Lytle,‘John Wyclif,Martin Luther and Edward Powell:Heresy and the Oxford Theology Faculty at the Beginning of the Reformation’,in A.Hudson and M.Wilks(eds.),From Ockham to Wyclif,Studies in Church History:subsidia,V(Oxford,1987),469-76;M.Aston,‘John Wycliffe's Reformation Reputation’,in her Lollards and Reformers:Images and Literacy in Late Medieval Religion(London,1984),243-272(reprinted from Past and Present,30(1965),23-51).
[8]See comments in P.Marshall,Reformation England,1480-1642(London,2003),32-34.For a survey of previous historiography on the links between Lollardy and Protestantism,see P.Marshall,‘Lollards and Protestants Revisited’,in M.C.A.Bose and J.P.Hornbeck II(eds.),Wycliffite Controversies(Turnhout,2011),295-318.
[9]Compare A.Hudson,The Premature Reformation:Wycliffite Texts and Lollard History(Oxford,1988)with R.Rex,The Lollards(Basingstoke and New York,2002).For recent hostile assessments of the significance of Lollardy,see Duffy,Stripping of the Altars(2nd edn),xxi-xxviii;Bernard,Late Medieval English Church,chapter 9.This is in contrast with other approaches(especially,but not solely,among literary scholars)which are challenging the polarisation between‘Lollardy’and‘orthodoxy’,and blurring the boundaries.See,for example,S.McSheffrey,‘Heresy,Orthodoxy,and English Vernacular Religion,1480-1525’,Past and Present,186(2005),47-80;J.P.Hornbeck II,What is a Lollard:Dissent and Belief in Late Medieval England(Oxford,2010).
[10]On Dickens's approach to medieval catholicism,E.Duffy,‘A.G.Dickens and the Late Medieval Church’,Historical Research,77(2004),98-110;and more broadly,C.Haigh,‘A.G.Dickens and the English Reformation’,Historical Research,77(2004),32-36.
[11]Work essentially from 1950(and over a broader chronological range)is briefly surveyed in P.Heath,‘Between Reform and Reformation:the English Church in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries’,Journal of Ecclesiastical History,41(1990),647-678.Heath is himself sceptical of revisionism:‘Between Reform and Reformation’,677-678(but see his final paragraph at 678).There were,of course,earlier evolutions in work specifically on the local impact of the Reformation,stretching back into the pre-Dickens era:Haigh,‘Dickens and the English Reformation’,25-31,36.
[12]J.J.Scarisbrick,The Reformation and the English People(Oxford,1984);Duffy,Stripping of the Altars;C.Haigh,English Reformations:Religion,Politics,and Society under the Tudors(Oxford,1993).See also S.Wabuda,‘The Reformation Revived:the English Reformation Beyond Revisionism’,History Compass,1(2003),1-5;A.Pettegree,‘A.G.Dickens and his Critics:a New Narrative of the English Reformation’,Historical Research,77(2004),50-53,58.On the‘smashing’,see comments of Haigh,‘Dickens and the English Reformation’,36.See also the comments on‘revisionism’in E.Duffy,‘The English Reformation after Revisionism’,Renaissance Quarterly,59(2006),721-723.
[13]D.Aers,‘Altars of Power:Reflections on Eamon Duffy's The Stripping of the Altars:Traditional Religion in England 1400-1580’,Literature and History,ser.3,3(1994),90-105;see 99-100 for the limited discussion of part 2 of Duffy's book.See also below,at p.181,n.2.Duffy responds to his critics(and specifically to charges of undervaluing Lollardy)in the introduction to the 2nd edition of Stripping of the Altars,especially xviii-xxxii.
[14]See,for example,E.H.Shagan,Popular Politics and the English Reformation(Cambridge,2003),and the anti-revisionist tone of N.Tyacke,‘Introduction:Rethinking the“English Reformation”’,in N.Tyacke(ed.),England's Long Reformation,1500-1800(London and Bristol,PA,1998),2-22.
[15]G.W.Bernard,The King's Reformation:Henry VIII and the Remaking of the English Church(New Haven,CT,and London,2005).
[16]See Heath,‘Between Reform and Reformation’,657-658.
[17]Knowles did not deal with the friars and nunneries,which were also neglected by late medieval church historians in this period.
[18]M.D.Knowles,The Religious Orders in England,3 vols.(Cambridge,1948- 59);see also M.Heale,Monasticism in Late Medieval England,c.1300-1535(Manchester and New York,2009),4-5.For a major re-appraisal of the scale of monastic charity,see N.S.Rushton,‘Monastic Charitable Provision in Tudor England:Quantifying and Qualifying Poor Relief in the Early Sixteenth Century’,Continuity and Change,16(2001),9-44.
[19]B.Thompson,‘Monasteries and their Patrons at Foundation and Dissolution’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,6th series,4(1994),116-123;B.Thompson,‘Monasteries,Society and Reform in Late Medieval England’,in J.G.Clark(ed.),The Religious Orders in Pre-Reformation England(Woodbridge,2002),165-95.
[20]See now Heale,Monasticism,listing much recent work in the bibliography,236-244;J.G.Clark,‘Humanism and Reform in Pre-Reformation English Monasteries’,Transactions of the Royal Historical Society,6th series,19(2009),57-93,esp.comments at 60-62.
[21]P.Collinson,The Reformation(London,2003),107.
[22]Marshall,‘(Re)defining the English Reformation’,581.For Aers,above at p.178,n.2.See the summary of post-revisionism in Haigh,‘Dickens and the English Reformation’,37;also comments in Marshall,‘(Re)defining the English Reformation’,565-566.
[23]Collinson reports(The Reformation,115)that‘the export of the Reformation to the provinces has been called a“London colonial enterprise”’,but he does not say by whom,or precisely when the label is meant to apply.London's spiritual centrality was probably less in the pre-Reformation period,with other devotional epicentres sending out their own waves of influence.
[24]For my thinking on this issue,but from a different angle,see R.N.Swanson,‘Unity and Diversity,Rhetoric and Reality:Modelling“the Church”’,Journal of Religious History,20(1996),156-174.The sense of instability and constant evolution is well brought out in the mixing of‘vitality’and‘vulnerability’in Bernard,Late Medieval English Church.
[25]See also M.M.Merback,‘Channels of Grace:Pilgrimage Architecture,Eucharistic Imagery,and Visions of Purgatory at the Host-Miracle Churches of Late Medieval Germany’,in S.Blick and R.Tekippe(eds.),Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles,2 vols,Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions,104(Leiden and Boston,MA,2005),I.587.The localism of English interpretation and practice of canon law is a regular undercurrent in R.H.Helmholz,The Oxford History of the Laws of England,Vol.Ⅰ:The Canon Law and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction from 597 to the 1640s(Oxford,2004).
[26]R.W.Pfaff,New Liturgical Feasts in Later Medieval England(Oxford,1970).
[27]B.J.H.Biggs(ed.),The Imitation of Christ:the First English Translation of the‘Imitatio Christi’(Early English Text Soriety,original series,309,Oxford,1997)vii;The Interpretacyon and Sygnyfycacyon of the Masse(London,1532).
[28]F.Lewis,‘“Garnished with gloryous tytles”:Indulgences in Printed Books of Hours in England’,Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society,10(1991-5),577-590.
[29]W.E.Lunt,Financial Relations of the Papacy with England,1327-1534,Publications of the Mediaeval Academy of America,74(Cambridge,MA,1962),chapters 11,12.
[30]R.N.Swanson,‘Marginal or Mainstream?The Hospitaller Orders and their Indulgences in Late Medieval England’,in A.Rehberg and A.Esposito(eds.),Gli ordini ospedalieri tra centro e periferia:Giornata di studio,Roma,Istituto Storico Germanico,16 giugno 2005,Ricerche dell'Istituto Storico Germanico di Roma,3(Rome,2007),181-184.
[31]P.Gwyn,The King's Cardinal:the Rise and Fall of Thomas Wolsey(London,1990),480-481.
[32]R.Rex,The Theology of John Fisher(Cambridge,1991),chapter 4.
[33]C.Lloyd(ed.),Formularies of Faith put forth by Authority during the Reign of Henry VIII(Oxford,1825),54-56,116-123.Similar arguments appear in the King's Book of 1543:Lloyd,Formularies of Faith,244-249,282-289.
[34]Swanson,‘Unity and Diversity’,158-159.
[35]Shagan,Popular Politics,46.
[36]D.Eppley,Defending Royal Supremacy and Discerning God's Will in Tudor England(Aldershot and Brookfield,VT,2007),106-140.
[37]On the Pilgrimage,see now R.W.Hoyle,The Pilgrimage of Grace and the Politics of the 1530s(Oxford,2001),with survey of previous interpretations at 11-18;on motivations see also A.Fletcher and D.MacCulloch,Tudor Rebellions,5th edn(Harlow,2004),37-47(religion discussed at 39-40,45-6).On Cromwell's regime,G.R.Elton,Policy and Police:the Enforcement of the Reformation in the Age of Thomas Cromwell(Cambridge,1972).
[38]Restated in the republished essays in N.Tanner,The Ages of Faith:Popular Religion in Late Medieval England and Western Europe(London and New York,2009):see 54-57,89,119-120,147.
[39]See,for instance,A.A.Chibi,Henry VIII‘s Bishops:Diplomats,Administrators,Scholars and Shepherds(Cambridge,2003),256:‘Henrician England was a place where regionalism was over-shadowed by national concerns,and a place where the church was a non-regionalist blanket unifying all parts of the realm.’
[40]It would need too much space to justify this statement in detail from the wealth of recent histories of regional and local churches in late medieval England.See my general comments in R.N.Swanson(ed.),Catholic England:Faith,Religion,and Observance before the Reformation(Manchester,1993),7.
[41]The bibliography on late-medieval East Anglian religion is too extensive to cite here;there is also a reasonable amount on York diocese/Yorkshire.For Cornwall's selfidentity and 1549,M.Stoyle,‘The Dissidence of Despair:Rebellion and Identity in Early Modern Cornwall’,Journal of British Studies,38(1999),423-444(especially 436-8);on the revolt see also Fletcher and MacCulloch,Tudor Rebellions,52-64.
[42]This paragraph draws on material in R.N.Swanson,‘Medieval English Liturgy:What's the Use?’,Studia Liturgica,29(1999),159-190.
[43]For example E.W.Ives,The Common Lawyers of Pre-Reformation England(Cambridge,1983),428,414.
[44]A.McHardy and N.Orme,‘The Defence of an Alien Priory:Modbury (Devon)in the 1450s’,Journal of Ecclesiastical History,50(1999),303-312,esp.309.
[45]R.W.Pfaff,‘Prescription and Reality in the Rubrics of Sarum Rite Service Books’,in L.Smith and B.Ward(eds.),Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages:Essays Presented to Margaret Gibson(London and Rio Grande,OH,1992),197-205.Similar arguments apply elsewhere;see,for example,S.Helander,‘The Liturgical Profile of the Parish Church in Medieval Sweden’,in T.J.Heffernan and E.A.Matter(eds.),The Liturgy of the Medieval Church(Kalamazoo,MI,2001),145-186.
[46]C.Peters,Patterns of Piety:Women,Gender and Religion in Late Medieval and Reformation England(Cambridge,2003),22-24.
[47]C.Burgess and B.Kümin,‘Penitential Bequests and Parish Regimes in Late Medieval England’,Journal of Ecclesiastical History,44(1993),610-630.
[48]R.Tittler,The Reformation and the Towns in England:Politics and Political Culture,c.1540-1640(Oxford,1998);J.Craig and P.Collinson(eds.),The Reformation in English Towns,1500-1640(Basingstoke,1998).
[49]The main discussion of churchwardens'accounts is B.Kümin,The Shaping of a Community:the Rise and Reformation of the English Parish c.1400-1560(Aldershot,1996).For debate over their utility and interpretation:C.Burgess,‘Pre-Reformation churchwardens'accounts and Parish Government:Lessons from London and Bristol’,English Historical Review,117(2002),306-332;B.Kümin,‘Late Medieval churchwardens'accounts and Parish Government:Looking Beyond London and Bristol',English Historical Review,119(2004),87-99;C.Burgess,‘The Broader Church:a Rejoinder to“Looking Beyond”’,English Historical Review,119(2004),100-116.
[50]See R.N.Swanson,‘Profits,Priests,and People’,in C.Burgess and E.Duffy(eds.),The Parish in Late Medieval England:Proceedings of the 2002 Harlaxton Symposium,Harlaxton Medieval Studies,14(Donington,2006),146-159;R.N.Swanson,Church and Society in Late Medieval England(Oxford,1989/1993),210-217.For discussion of one of the rare parishes for which benefice accounts as well as churchwardens'and other lay parochial accounts survive,allowing comparison and revealing their different views of the parish,see R.N.Swanson,‘Town and Gown,Nave and Chancel:Parochial Experience in Late Medieval Oxford’,in D.Harry and C.Steer(eds.),The Urban Church in Late Medieval England:Essays from the 2017 Harlaxton Symposium held in Honour of Clive Burgess,Harlaxton Medieval Studies,29(Donington,2019),pp.301-331.
[51]R.N.Swanson,‘A Universal Levy:Tithes and Economic Agency’,in B.Dodds and R.Britnell(eds.),Agriculture and Rural Society after the Black Death:Common Themes and Regional Variations,Studies in Regional and Local History,6(Hatfield,2008),89-112.
[52]For religious life in Norwich see N.P.Tanner,The Church in Late Medieval Norwich,1370-1532,Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies:Studies and Texts,116(Toronto,1984),although his discussion is not specifically formulated according to the arrangement suggested here.
[53]B.Nilson,Cathedral Shrines of Medieval England(Woodbridge,1998),156-8,218-21(but see also comment in R.N.Swanson,‘Indulgences at Norwich Cathedral Priory in the Later Middle Ages:Popular Piety in the Balance Sheet’,Historical Research,76(2003),26-28).
[54]Swanson,‘Indulgences at Norwich’,20-26.
[55]Tanner,Church in Late Medieval Norwich,231-232.
[56]M.R.V.Heale,‘Veneration and Renovation at a Small Norfolk Priory:St Leonard's,Norwich,in the Later Middle Ages’,Historical Research,76(2003),436-441.
[57]W.H.Bliss and J.A.Twemlow(eds.),Calendar of Entries in the Papal Registers Relating to Great Britain and Ireland:Papal Letters,Vol.Ⅵ:A.D.1396-1404(London,1904),168.
[58]B.Windeatt(ed.),The Book of Margery Kempe(Harlow,2000),398.
[59]This is to some extent the approach in Duffy,Stripping of the Altars.
[60]R.N.Swanson,‘Fragments of an Indulgence Inscription in a Window at All Saints,North Street,York’,Antiquaries Journal,138(2008),308-312.
[61]See above,p.190,n.4.
[62]K.Farnhill,Guilds and the Parish Community in Late Medieval East Anglia, c.1470-1550(Woodbridge,2001),62-63.
[63]R.N.Swanson,‘A Medieval Staffordshire Fraternity:the Guild of St John the Baptist,Walsall’,in P.Morgan and A.D.M.Phillips(eds.),Staffordshire Histories:Essays in Honour of Michael Greenslade,Collections for a History of Staffordshire,4th series,19(1999),55-56.
[64]R.N.Swanson,‘Before the Protestant Clergy:the Construction and Deconstruction of Medieval Priesthood’,in C.Scott Dixon and Luise Schorn-Schütte(eds.),The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe(Basingstoke,2003),52-54;R.N.Swanson,‘Problems of the Priesthood in Pre-Reformation England’,English Historical Review,105(1990),868-869.
[65]Salisbury,Cathedral Archives,FA/2/3.
[66]For Scarborough see the account printed in Swanson,Catholic England,151-7; for Hornsea,P.Heath,Medieval Clerical Accounts,St Anthony's Hall Publications,26(York,1964),28-30,35-36,42-43.
[67]Briefly discussed in Swanson,‘Profits,Priests,and People’,157-159.
[68]Liber pontificalis Chr.Bainbridge,archiepiscopi Eboracensis(Surtee Society,111,1873),34.
[69]See now R.N.Swanson,Indulgences in Late Medieval England:Passports to Paradise?(Cambridge,2007).
[70]Haigh,English Reformations,70.
[71]Swanson,Indulgences,246-277.
[72]E.Hall(ed.C.Whibley),The Triumphant Reigne of Kyng Henry the VIII,2 vols.(London and Edinburgh,1904),II.263(modernised).
[73]Below at p.200,n.4.
[74]Swanson,Indulgences,492-493.
[75]Swanson,Indulgences,501,512-513.
[76]B.L.Beer,Rebellion and Riot:Popular Disorder in England during the Reign of Edward VI([Kent,OH],1982),55-56.
[77]Swanson,Indulgences,365-366,415,425,469(quotation,here modernised), 503-4.
[78]Bury St Edmunds,Suffolk Record Office,EL110/5/3,pp.52,58,64.The ‘gathering days’appear up to 1544,but without the dedication day(presumably wiped out with the national standardisation of dedication days in 1536),and with SS Philip and James entered as May Day;with Michaelmas and May Day also listed in 1546.
[79]For what follows,Swanson,Indulgences,365-367,415,504.
[80]P.L.Hughes and J.F.Larkin(eds.),Tudor Royal Proclamations,3 vols.(New Haven,CT,and London,1964-9),Ⅰ.236-237.On the date,Swanson,Indulgences,491,n.96.
[81]Norwich,Norfolk Record Office,PD 52/71,fo.104r.
[82]A.Ryrie,The Gospel and Henry VIII:Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation(Cambridge,2003),128-131.
[83]J.E.B.Mayor(ed.),The English Works of John Fisher,Bishop of Rochester (Early English Text Society,extra series,27,1876),307(see also 307-309).
[84]Swanson,Indulgences,504,514-515.
[85]F.Somers(ed.),Halesowen churchwardens'Accounts(1487-1582),(Worcestershire Historical Society,4 Parts,Oxford,1952-7)78(see also 77).
[86]D.Dymond(ed.),The Register of Thetford Priory,2 vols.,Records of Social and Economic History,new series,24-25(Oxford,1995-6),especially I.55-56.
[87]Illustrated in N.Llewellyn,Funeral Monuments in Post-Reformation England(Cambridge,2000),131.
[88]E.Duffy,The Voices of Morebath:Reformation and Rebellion in an English Village(New Haven,CT,and London,2001).
[89]The pattern is almost standard,but its actual application varies.P.Edwards,The Making of the Modern English State,1460-1660(Basingstoke and New York,2001),incorporates the revisionist argument briefly in chapter 4(‘The Henrician Reformation’)at 148-150.A more extensive and effective integration appears in Marshall,Reformation England,chapters 1-2.For more recent treatments see A.Ryrie,The Age of Reformation:the Tudor and Stewart Realms,1485-1603(Harlow,2009),chapter 1;E.Ives,The Reformation Experience:Living Through the Turbulent 16th Century(Oxford,2012),chapters 1-6.Student Comments when teaching at Birmingham Suggested that only since around 2008 has the‘Dickens’model ceased to provide the widespread basic template for teaching on the English Reformation in English schools.
[90]This is my current major project,supported in 2013-16 by founding through a Leverhulme Trust Major Research Fellowship(MRF-2012-016).