公共舆论何时能以及何时不能被忽略
公共舆论并没有像多元主义者经常所声称的那么重要。在外交和国防议题上，它被人拿捏摆弄；在国内经济议题上，它被人忽略；在社会议题上，它对权力精英无关紧要，除非是作为拉票的手段。尽管在他们日常生活所限的情境和时间里，我们的确可以感知到人们的态度，但是，在企业共同体所关心的大多数复杂立法议题上，任何带有清晰目标的公共舆论都不太可能发出自己的声音。因此，权力精英和政治家在大部分政策问题上拥有充分的回旋余地。
公共舆论经常被忽略是因为人们的信念并不必然导致他们去采取反对或破坏性行动，如果他们在社会中有固定的角色需要去完成，又或者他们没有看到什么清晰的组织化途径可以实现社会变迁的话。要想解释人们为何默认权力精英的政策，而不是试图去影响公共舆论，一个更加重要的因素是，人们要想采取行动，就得打破他们已经习惯了的“痛并快乐着”的日常生活——其中的关键，则是工作和家庭。经济和政治生活中发生了什么，比舆论塑造过程中和大众媒体上说了什么，对人们如何行动有着更大的影响。[57]
不过，当人们在萧条、战争或其他形式的社会破坏下被迫走出他们的小天地时，公共舆论也可能产生影响。在这些情况下，公共舆论可以导致一场强有力的社会运动，从而威胁到既有秩序的某个方面，这反过来又使权力精英们寻找维持社会稳定的解决之道。转化为社会运动的公共舆论同样也可以为公司活动设置界限，特别是当出现了大的事故，比如石油泄漏、煤矿爆炸或核工厂故障时。[58]
尽管针对公共舆论的研究表明，权力精英有很大的自由度来照他们希望的那样运作，但在某个重要的层面，这一结论却是不完全的：它没有考虑到公共舆论通过竞选过程可能发挥的潜在效力。
[1]Lawrence Jacobs and Robert Shapiro，Politicians Don't Pander（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，2000）.
[2]Susan Herbst，Numbered Voices：How Opinion Polling Has Shaped American Politics（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，1993），p.166.
[3]Benjamin I.Page and Robert Y.Shapiro，The Rational Public：Fifty Years of Trends in Americans'Policy Preferences（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，1992）.
[4]John Zaller，The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion（Cambridge，England，and New York：Cambridge University Press，1992）.
[5]Jerry Sanders，Peddlers of Crisis：The Committee on the Present Danger and the Politics of Containment（Boston：South End Press，1983）.
[6]Linda Bergthold，Purchasing Power in Health：Business，the State，and Health Care Politics（New Brunswick，N.J.：Rutgers University Press，1990）；C.Estes，“Privatization，the Welfare State，and Aging：The Reagan-Bush Legacy，”in The Nation's Health，5th ed.（Boston：Jones & Bartlett，1997），pp.199—209.
[7]Seymour M.Lipset，The First New Nation：The United States in Historical and Comparative Perspective（New York：Basic Books，1963）；Louis Hartz，The Liberal Tradition in America；An Interpretanon of American Political Thought since the Revolution（New York：Harcourt Brace，1955）.
[8]意识形态是一系列理论和合理化过程的复杂组合，通过它，一个集团、阶级或国家借此来解释世界与正当化自己的行为。意识形态通常为其支持者所狂热信仰。
[9]William Ryan，Blaming the Victim（New York：Random House，1971）；Robert E.Lane，Political Ideology：Why the American Common Man Believes What He Does（New York：Free Press of Glencoe，1962）.
[10]Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb，The Hidden Injuries of Class（New York：Norton，1993），pp.250—251.
[11]Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb，The Hidden Injuries of Class（New York：Norton，1993），p.251.
[12]John C.Stauber and Sheldon Rampton，Toxic Sludge Is Good for You：Lies，Damn Lies，and the Public Relations Industry（Monroe，Maine：Common Courage Press，1995）.
[13]Shawn Zeller，“Thriving in a Crisis，”National Journal，14 October 2000，3262.
[14]John C.Stauber and Sheldon Rampton，Toxic Sludge Is Good for You：Lies，Damn Lies，and the Public Relations Industry（Monroe，Maine：Common Courage Press，1995）.
[15]Beth Wesley Ghiloni，“The Velvet Ghetto：Women，Power，and the Corporation，“in Power Elites and Organizations，ed.G.William Domhoff and Thomas Dye（Beverly Hills：Sage Publications，1987），pp.21—36.
[16]Jerome L.Himmelstein，Looking Good and Doing Good：Corporate Philanthropy and Corporate Power.（Bloomington：Indiana University Press，1997）.
[17]Jerome L.Himmelstein，Looking Good and Doing Good：Corporate Philanthropy and Corporate Power.（Bloomington：Indiana University Press，1997），p.151.
[18]Joseph Galaskiewicz and Ronald S.Burt，“Interorganization Contagion in Corporate Philanthropy，”Administrative Science Quarterly 36，no.l（1991）：88—105；M.David Ermann，“The Operative Goals of Corporate Philanthropy：Contributions to the Public Broadcasting Service，1972—1976，”Social Problems 25，no.5（1978）：504—514.
[19]J.Allen Whitt and Gwen Moore，“Network Ties beween National Charities and Large Corporations”（paper presented at the Sunbelt Social Network Conference，San Diego，1997）.
[20]Nina Eliasoph，Avoiding Politics：How Americans Produce Apathy in Everyday Life（New York：Cambridge University Press，1998）.
[21]Warren Berger，“Source of Classic Images Now Struggles to Be Seen，”New York Times，20 November 2000，D6.
[22]Glenn K.Hirsch，“Only You Can Prevent Ideological Hegemony：The Advertising Council and Its Place in the American Power Structure，”Insurgent Sociologist 5，no.31975）：p.69.
[23]Stuart Elliot，“The Ad Council，Criticized for Its Response to Sept.11，Moves Ahead with Plans to Remake Itself，”New York Times，30 October 2001，C6；Jane Levere，“An Ad Council Campaign Sells Freedom，But Some Call It Propaganda，”New York Times，1 July 2002，C8.
[24]Glenn K.Hirsch，“Only You Can Prevent Ideological Hegemony：The Advertising Council and Its Place in the American Power Structure，”Insurgent Sociologist 5，no.3（1975）：p.78.
[25]Benjamin I.Page and Robert Y.Shapiro，The Rational Public：Fifty Years of Trends in Americans'Policy Preferences（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，1992），p.205.
[26]John E.Mueller，War，Presidents，and Public Opinion（New York：Wiley，1973）；Robert Erikson and Kent Tedin，American Public Opinion，5th ed.（Boston：Allyn & Bacon，1995）.
[27]John E.Mueller，War，Presidents，and Public Opinion（New York：Wiley，1973）；Daniel Wirls，Buildup：The Politics of Defense in the Reagan Era（Ithaca：Cornell University Press，1992）.
[28]Elizabeth Fones-Wolf，Selling Free Enterprise：The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism，1945—1960（Urbana：University of Illinois Press，1994）.
[29]NCEE，Economics America：Directory（New York：National Council for Economic Education，1997），p.ⅰ.
[30]Dave Kansas，“Economic Illiteracy Abounds in U.S.，New Survey Shows；Respondents Say They Glean Most Information Via TV，”Wall Street Journal，11 September 1992，B14A（W），A11E（E）.
[31]Benjamin I.Page and Robert Y.Shapiro，The Rational Public：Fifty Years of Trends in Americans'Policy Preferences（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，1992），p.117.
[32]Howard J.Gold，Hollow Mandates：American Public Opinion and the Conservative Shift（Boulder，Colo.：Westview Press，1992）.(https://www.daowen.com)
[33]Edward G.Carmines and James A.Stimson，Issue Evolution：Race and the Transformation of American Politics（Princeton：Princeton University Press，1989）.
[34]Michael K.Brown et al.，Whitewashing Race：The Myth of a Color-Blind Society（Berkeley：University of California Press，2003），p.212.
[35]Ben H.Bagdikian，The New Media Monopoly（Boston：Beacon Press，2004）；Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman，The Manufacture of Consent：The Political Economy of the Mass Media（New York：Pantheon，1988）；Rod Holmgren and Alma Holmgren，Outrageous Fortunes：Media Billionaires and How They Change World Culture（Carmel，CA：Jackson Press，2001）.
[36]Herbert Gans，“Are U.S.Journalists Dangerously Liberal？”Columbia Journalism Review，November-December 1985，29—33.
[37]Peter Dreier，“The Position of the Press in the U.S.Power Structure，”Social Problems 29，no.3（1982）：298—310.
[38]David Demers，The Menace of the Corporate Newspaper：Fact or Fiction？（Ames，Iowa：University of Iowa Press，1996）.
[39]Herbert J.Gans，Deciding What's News：A Study of CBS Evening News，NBC Nightly News，Newsweek，and Time（New York：Pantheon Books，1979）；Michael Schudson，The Power of News（Cambridge：Harvard University Press，1995）.
[40]John Zaller，The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion（Cambridge and New York：Cambridge University Press，1992），319.
[41]John Zaller，The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion（New York：Cambridge University Press，1992），p.15.
[42]Jerry Sanders，Peddlers of Crisis：The Committee on the Present Danger and the Politics of Containment（Boston：South End Press，1983）.
[43]Harvey Molotch and Marilyn Lester，“Accidents，Scandals，and Routines：Resources for Insurgent Methodology，”in Enriching the Sociological Imagination：How Radical Sociology Changed the Discipline，ed.Rhonda F.Levine（Boston：Brill，2004），pp.91—104；Harvey Molotch，“Spilling Out（again），”in Enriching The Sociological Imagination：How Radical Sociology Changed the Discipline，ed.Rhonda F.Levine（Boston：Brill，2004），pp.87—90.
[44]Robert Erikson and Kent Tedin，American Public Opinion，5th ed.（Boston：Allyn& Bacon，1995）；Shanto Iyengar and Richard Reeves，Do the Media Govern？Politicians，Voters，and Reporters in America（Thousand Oaks，Calif.：Sage Publications，1997）；Shanto Iyengar and Adam F.Simon，“New Perspectives and Evidence on Political Communication and Campaign Effects，”Annual Review of Psychology（2000）：149.
[45]William Schneider，“And Lo，the Momentum Shifted，”National Journal，3 October 1998，2350.
[46]C.Glynn et al.，Public Opinion（Boulder：Westview，1999）.
[47]Robert Erikson and KentTedin，American Public Opinion，5th ed.（Boston：Allyn& Bacon，1995），p.247.
[48]William A.Gamson，Talking Politics（Cambridge and New York：Cambridge University Press，1992），p.4.
[49]Aeron Davis，“Whither Mass Media and Power？Evidence for a Critical Elite Theory，”Media，Culture & Society 25（2003）：669—690.
[50]Lawrence Jacobs and Robert Shapiro，Politicians Don't Pander（Chicago：University of Chicago Press，2000）.
[51]Richard Morin，“What Informed Opinion？A Survey Trick Points Out the Hazards Facing Those Who Take the Nation's Pulse，”Washington Post Weekly，10 April 1995，36.
[52]John Zaller，The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion（Cambridge，England，and New York：Cambridge University Press，1992），chapter 5.
[53]John Zaller，The Nature and Origins of Mass Opinion（Cambridge，England，and New York：Cambridge University Press，1992）.
[54]Stanley Milgram，Obedience to Authority：An Experimental View（New York：Harper & Row，1974）；Elliot Aronson，The Social Animal（New York：W.H.Freeman & Co.，1992）.
[55]T.D.Miethe，Whistleblowing at Work：Tough Choices in Exposing Fraud，Waste，and Abuse on the Job（Boulder，Colo.：Westview Press，1999）.
[56]“Ralph Nader，”in Current Biography（New York：H.H.Wilson，1968），p.280.
[57]Richard Flacks，Making History：The Radical Tradition in American Life（New York：Columbia University Press，1988）；M.Mann，“The Ideology of Intellectuals and Other People in the Development of Capitalism，”in Stress and Contradiction in Modern Capitalism，ed.L.Lindberg and R.Alford（Lexington，Mass.：Lexington Books，1975）.
[58]Harvey Molotch，“Oil in Santa Barbara and Power in America，”Sociological Inquiry 40（1970）：131—144.