6.1 CMFEs in EAPs written by AEs and ANEs
This section compares and analyzes the occurrences and frequencies of the CMFEs in EAPs by AEs and ANEs.Table 6.1 lists the specific information.
Table 6.1 Occurrences and frequencies of CMFEs in EAPs written by AEs and ANEs
续表:
Seen from Table 6.1,AEs use CMFEs more frequently(779.4 per 100,000 words)than ANEs(464.9 per 100,000 words).This shows that while writing AEs use more CMFEs to engage and argue than ANEs.The statistic results in Table 6.1 can also be presented in Figure 6.1.
Figure 6.1 The specific distribution of types of CMFEs in EAPs written by AEs and ANEs
Based on Table 6.1 and Figure 6.1,it could be seen that in the EAPs written by ANEs,only the frequency of spatio-temporal CMs is over 100(166.3 per 100,000 words).While in the EAPs written by AEs,there are four types of CMFEs of which the frequencies are above 100:positive additive CMs(272.2),causal CMs(86.4),spatio-temporal CMs(172.4)and positive comparative CMs(132.4).This indicates that AEs not only use more CMFEs in EAPs but also explore high-frequency types more diversely.This also shows that AEs as a whole employ CMFEs to engage and argue more than ANEs when writing in English.The most noticeable difference can be attributed to the tendency in using positive additive CMs,with the frequencies of 272.2 by AEs and 46.1 by ANEs.That is to say,AEs use six more times of positive additive CMs than ANEs.Other obvious differences can be found in the comparison of the frequencies of clarificative CMs(40.3 vs 19.5),causal CMs(102.3 vs 86.4)and positive comparative CMs(132.4 vs 68.7).
Since the differences in the distribution of positive additive CMs are the greatest,so it is necessary to explain this type first.Table 6.2 lists the specific information about the distribution of positive additional CMs used by AEs and ANEs.
Table 6.2 Comparison of positive additional CMs used by AEs and ANEs
Table 6.2 lists six typical positive additional CMs in the chosen EAPs.It is observed that the greatest difference lies in the distribution of and,with the frequency of 253.1 in the EAPs by AEs and 31.3 by ANEs.In spite of the great difference in the use of and,the ranking sequence of the six CMs based on their frequencies are the same,i.e.,and,moreover,further,in addition,again and once again.When referring to the appositive CMs,Table 6.3 lists the statistical differences.
Table 6.3 Comparison of positive additional CMs used by AEs and ANEs
Seen from Table 6.3,there is no noticeable difference in the total number of appositive CMs used by AEs(freq.=299)and ANEs(freq.=301).It is easy to find that for example is used most frequently in both kinds of EAPs.It accounts for 164 in 299 appositive CMs by AEs and it reaches 195 in 301 appositive CMs by ANEs.Apart from for example,ANEs mainly focus on the use of for instance,which has the same meaning as for example.But among the CMs used by AEs,the frequencies of in other words and that is are much more higher.This shows that AEs use positive additional CMs more variously.Table 6.4 demonstrates the distribution of clarificative CMs used by AEs and ANEs.Being similar with positive additive CMs,the frequencies of clarificative CMs used by AEs are also much higher than those by ANEs..
Table 6.4 Comparison of clarificative CMs used by AEs and ANEs
续表:
There is a great gap of the frequencies of various CMs in the EAPs.For example,the frequencies range goes from 0.1 to 10.5 in the EAPs written by AEs while in the ANEs corpus,the rage is from 0.1 to 9.2.Moreover,the clarificative CM indeed is the most popular.High level of cultural-linguistic differences can be found in the use of actually,at least and of course.AEs prefer actually(11.2)and at least(6.1),which are much more used than those used by ANEs(0.3 and 0.5 respectively).However,the frequency of of course used by ANEs(3.3)is higher than those by AEs(0.9).That is to say,AEs incline to use verificative and corrective CMFEs and ANEs prefer particularizing CMFEs.For example,
(88)It is only through such experiences,cumulatively and unceasingly,that a self is able to emerge and persist:a subject who forms socalled intentions and causes things to happen in accord with such intentions,registers such intentions and the effects of carrying them out as emanating from and belonging to a self,and attaches value to this self and its activities through interpretation.Of course,a subject does all these things as a subject among subjects.(S,ANEs)
(89)The expansion and contraction of rhetorical relations appear quite similar to what are known as the diversification and unification processes in biology.Actually,the diversification process is so basic that without it there would be no variety in the organic nature.(H,AEs)
Of course in Example(88)particularizes all these things and actually in Example(89)verifies the former proposition and expresses a strong claim and stance with the help of the adjective basic.Table 6.5 presents the comparison of causal CMs in the EAPs written by AEs and ANEs.
Table 6.5 Comparison of causal CMs used by AEs and ANEs
续表:
It is found that the frequencies of reason-introducing CMs in both corpora are similar,i.e.,51.1 vs 48.9.Comparatively,AEs employ the result-introducing CMs more frequently(51.2 per 100,000 words)than ANEs(37.5 per 100,000 words).For reason-introducing CMs,ANEs use because more frequently than AEs(42.0 vs 22.7).A striking difference is that AEs use more than five times the amount of since and more than ten times the amount of in that than ANEs do.This result indicates that AEs prefer to imply a proposition,which could fulfill the expectation set in the matrix clause because since and in that convey factual or presupposed information(Quirk et al.,1972;Heinämäki,1975).For example,
(90)The various attempts at a refinement of the concept of homeostasis are important in that they point out the dynamic aspects of regulatory mechanisms that must be considered when attempting to define stress,since an environmental change that is stressful in one context may not be stressful in another.(ANEs)
(91)This has long been thought to represent a homeostatic response at the cellular level,in that a change in membrane physical properties caused by increasing unsaturation compensates for the cooling-induced ordering of the hydrocarbon interior of cellular membranes(Johnston and Roots,1964).(ANEs)
In Examples(90)and(91),the propositions in the matrix clause are the conclusions drawn from since and in that.The authors set expectations in the matrix clause,and use since and in that to fulfill the expectations and to express their epistemic stance.
As to the result-introducing CMs,AEs use them more frequently(51.2 per 100,000 words)than ANEs(37.5 per 100,000 words).There do not seem to be many cultural-linguistic differences in the use of so that,hence,consequently,thus,and thereby.Except as a result,the other five result-introducing CMs are much more frequently distributed in EAPs written by AEs than those by ANEs.Table 6.6 displays the statistic information of the spatio-temporal CMs in both L1 and L2 EAPs.
Table 6.6 Comparison of spatio-temporal CMs written by AEs and ANEs
续表:
续表:
Tables 6.6 displays the distribution of spatio-temporal CMs.Significant cultural-linguistic differences can be found between in terms of the frequencies of finally and when.In specific,ANEs contribute much higher frequencies of finally(2.3 by AEs vs 7.4 by ANEs)and a lower frequency of when(57.3 by AEs vs 46.3 by ANEs).Finally is a typical CM which presents the conclusion and fulfills the expectations set in the previous propositions.For example,
(92)There is also the thrill,again hard to exaggerate,that comes from the lifting of material scarcity and moral inhibitions after decades of asceticism and heavy-handed state control.Finally,with the rapid rise in material standards of living,it has become more and more obvious that in seeking wealth and pleasure people are consuming their symbolic value as much as anything else.(ANEs,S)
Finally in Example(98)not only functions to summarize but also fulfills the expectations set in the previous propositions.
Compared with other temporal expressions,when is usually used to express“a more abstract notion of recurrent or habitual contingency”(Quirk et al.,1985:1086).According to Deng(2012),temporal when usually functions as conditionals.It indicates the authors’subjective evaluation of the reality of a given situation.The phenomenon that AEs use more when indicates that AEs incline to express more obvious claims and stances.The quantitative information of positive comparative CMs is presented in Table 6.7.
Table 6.7 Comparison of positive comparative CMs in the EAPs written by AEs and ANEs
Seen from Table 6.7,AEs almost employ twice positive comparative CMs more than ANEs.Specifically,there seem to be significant crosscultural differences in the use of or(105.0 vs 63.8)and either(20.7 vs 0.3).The occurrences and frequencies of positive conditional CMs are listed in Table 6.8.
Table 6.8 Comparison of positive conditional CMs in the EAPs written by AEs and ANEs
As shown in Table 6.8,ANEs employ a higher proportion of positive conditional CMs than AEs(43.8 in L1 vs 62.5 in L2).The bigger gaps between these two EAPs are reflected in the use of if and once.The frequencies of these two CMs used by AEs(48.5+8.2=56.7)are almost twice than those used by ANEs(32.4+4.5=36.9).
All in all,both AEs and ANEs have empowered themselves by complying with Western convention in using CMFEs.Generally speaking,AEs use more CMFEs than ANEs.ANEs may reconcile their own logical,ideological and Eastern identities with English/Western identities,so they do not use so many CMFEs as AEs.Just as one of Lee’s(2006:346)states:
I feel more comfortable with the Australian way of writing and I think it is much easier and better than the Japanese way of writing,although I did not practise much writing English in Japan.(Lee,2006:346)
When referring to the lexicogrammatical realizations of each type of CMFEs,there are also slight differences.For example,AEs use six more times of positive additive CMs than ANEs.AEs prefer to imply a proposition because since and in that convey factual or presupposed information.