参考文献

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[1]德国、法国、英国的情况与美国不同,见Calhoun(1987)和Steinmetz(2017)。本研究对“历史社会学的自我意识”之分析没有直接涉及德法甚至英国的情况。若有涉及,只是以美国为接受者的角度,处理已然影响到该领域学者的相关学说。同时,20世纪30—40年代甚至到60年代的美国,还存在将“历史社会学”这一名词作为进化论取向的社会学研究的代名词:专门以“社会进化与进步的理论”、发现社会发展的起源与法则为研究内容的社会学。他们也抱怨当时主流社会学的“去历史化”问题(Schwartz,1987)。因此相较于以今薄古地批评,究竟如何因时制宜地安置这一时期的“历史社会学”,有待再分析,这里暂不处理。

[2]“把历史带回来”已经成为中国历史社会学者的宣言,例如成伯清(2015)和周飞舟(2016)。

[3]综述可见苗延威(2013)。

[4]“自我意识”一词来自于德梅特里和鲁多梅托夫的文章的子标题《历史社会学自我意识的诞生》(“The Birth of Historical Sociology’s Self-Consciousness”),见Demetriou and Roudometof(2014: 43-60)。

[5]“分支领域”或“分支学科”(subdiscipline)使用较为普遍,见Abbott(1991),Steinmetz(2017)不赘。“基质”来自于菲利普·艾布拉姆斯(Philip Abrams)所说“历史社会学家并不是社会学的一些特定种类,而是这个学科的基质”。“二者合一”之说,是为了兼顾社会学与历史学合二为一、且成独立的第三种单元的情况,见Abram (1982:2)。

[6]以“大国沙文主义”描述某一学科的专业特征,是借用了休厄尔对历史学学科的批评,见Sewell(2005:198)。

[7]这一词是借用了克里尚·库玛尔(Krishan Kumar)对历史社会学的批评,见Kumar(2009:391-408),下文会详述。

[8]尽管已有学者从方法论角度谈及此类内容,例如苗延威(2013)。但本章更进一步:在相关的方法论或认识论背后,架设了怎样的学科或跨学科想象?毕竟,不同的学科定位预设了不同的研究策略与研究界限,进一步强化了相应的认识论或方法论。

[9]比较法的历史分析并非历史社会学所独有,历史学中也有但发展情况有所不同,见Burke(2016)。

[10]这也与历史学家的理论意识有关,涉及历史学的理论使用现状及其潜能的分析,见Sewell(2005:ch.1)。

[11]霍尔的话语形式的秩序安排,与其说是适用于整合社会学与历史学,倒不如说是适合整个社会科学乃至人文科学。因此,只能视为通用研究程序,本身并无学科性。

[12]在英文社会学的重要刊物里,对《叫魂》一书有正式引述的情况,只见于Sociological Theory刊载过的一篇集体暴力研究。不过,这篇文章的作者却是来自历史系而非社会学系,见de la Roche(2001)。

[13]这种风格反映于他对历史书写理论总结,见魏斐德(2001)。

[14]当然,我这样的说法是排除了诸多历史学的作品,以及像迈克尔·曼(Michael Mann,1986)这样全球史视角的历史社会学家。