媒体对国会外交决策的影响

(四)媒体对国会外交决策的影响

从某种意义上说,国会议员与媒体有着彼此呼应和共生的关系。对美国媒体来说,就影响对外政策而言,在白宫之外,国会山是最值得关注的地方。基于国会对政府的影响力,通过报道国会议员的外交主张,进而影响政府的外交决策,是媒体影响对外政策的重要途径。对国会议员们来说,这也是广泛宣传自己外交主张的重要机会,有助于提高自身的声望。

媒体首先是国会议员的重要信息来源。这点在前文已有涉及,在此不再赘述。

其次,新闻媒体是外交问题上维持行政部门与立法部门间制衡关系的关键所在。国会议员及其身边工作人员都迫切需要了解行政部门的最新动向,以尽早选择是支持还是反对相关外交政策。特别是20世纪60年代以来,许多国会议员竭力限制行政部门的外交权力,提高自己对在外交问题上的影响。与总统所属党派不同的议员尤甚。而为了达到此目的,最有效的办法就是与新闻媒体密切合作。前国会立法助理、学者罗伯特·库尔茨在分析媒体、国会、行政部门关系时写道:国会议员“与媒体联手是因为他们拥有共同的利益,有共同的对手:行政部门”。他说:“这种联手在有争议问题时和与总统关系紧张时更加牢固。国会和媒体一起打探行政部门动向、揭露政误、发现现行政策本身和实施中存在的问题等情况并不少见。他们也分享类似冲突所带来的恶名远扬和公众关注的效果。”[158]因此,新闻媒体的一个重要作用是维持行政部门和国会在外交问题上微妙的权力制衡关系,因为“媒体自身就是外交决策过程中最善言辞、消息最灵通的外部参与者之一,故而媒体不可避免地影响着‘内部参与者’决策的外部环境”[159]。而库尔茨提及的国会议员与媒体的联手,也正是媒体以联手方式参与外交决策的具体写照。

再次,也是最为重要的一点,媒体报道不但能够影响国会议程设置,而且媒体对议题、法案或听证会关注与否能直接影响立法结果。美国媒体与其他政治力量为解决某些特定问题而争取的行动,能够影响国会议题轻重缓急的排序。而且,媒体对国会事务进行参与和报道,首先受益的是议员们。由于国会议员会不断提出新的议案,在诸多问题上表态,他们就难免要与媒体频繁接触。在这一过程中,媒体的报道不仅会帮助他们传播和宣传自己的主张,而且也会在事实上提高他们的知名度,从而为今后重新当选打下基础。不但如此,在某些关键问题上,媒体甚至还可以利用自身的优势影响立法结果。例如,《华盛顿邮报》就经常在某问题委员会投票表决的当天,发表对该问题的编者按,而这常常足以影响那些举棋不定的委员的立场。[160]

新闻报道还能够突出国会某机构组织或个人的重要性。就此,迈克尔·J.罗宾森(Michael J.Robinson)曾解释说:“电视对某机构或个人的报道频率和曝光度改变着该机构或个人的重要性和影响力:被报道得越多,该机构及其成员就越发显得重要。”[161]而在赢得媒体关注方面,国会领导人比普通议员享有更多的自主权和影响力。当然,在如今的网络时代,要进入这个华盛顿信息网并不一定需要进驻华盛顿。互联网、电子邮件、长途电话、传真使得各路人马可以随时与华盛顿保持联系。但若真正成为该关系网的核心成员,在政府或某智囊团任职、经常参加各种鸡尾酒会和招待会等却是必要的。

新闻媒体还能够影响公众对国会具体机构的印象。公众心目中国会机构运行情况的好坏和效率高低主要取决于媒体报道。亚瑟·H.米勒(Arthur H.Miller)等研究显示,媒体负面报道与公众对政府机构的看法直接相关:“显然,公众对政府工作表现的评价直接来自主流媒体中政治过程形象的报道。”[162]

媒体关注与否直接影响国会议案商讨进展的过程。媒体可以通过报道国会议员的观点和立法活动来间接影响国会的外交决策活动。一般来说,国会影响外交政策,是通过授权和拨款,而宪法赋予的权利则使得国会在影响外交政策方面与政府保持了相对平衡。在国会与政府的这种平衡中,美国媒体起到了特殊的作用。它的报道,对其中一方占据上风,或者促成双方妥协与合作,都有着重要影响。这也正是为什么党首或白宫官员常迫使国会成员将问题公开化,以进一步坚定其立场,扩大影响以赢得先机。

媒体还能够帮助议员扩大影响。国会有些议员常竭力吸引媒体的注意以扩大影响。有学者因此指出,国会因此越来越成为少数几个议员表演的舞台:“国会山上的英雄不是电波中的英雄。国会中备受同仁尊敬的是穿梭在各种新闻发布会、鸡尾酒会之间,有时甚至出现在婚礼上以求为其立法‘作业’投入时间的孤独的土地神。”[163]因此,国会成员在利用媒体方面花费的心思和时间也越来越多了。为了得到更多的媒体报道,许多国会议事过程向媒体开放,委员会会议室、参众议院等会议允许C-SPAN等媒体摄录转播。也正是由于媒体宣传作用,国会中媒体报道频率更多的委员会会成为某些想通过媒体赢得声望的国会成员争相进入的宝地。“显然,有些国会议员想方设法地跻身于任何处理最紧急、最有争议问题的委员会。”[164]而外交事务正是“委员们引人注目地谈论战争与和平,并因此提高知名度、捞取政治资本、扩大政治影响范围的最佳平台”[165]。而其他负责一般性议题的委员会因很难引起媒体兴趣,其成员工作积极性也不高。而可见度高的委员会成员也往往将其所在委员会作为自己的宣传工具,相应地对委员会所要解决的问题关注不够。曾任参议院外交关系委员会会长时间达十五年之久(1959—1974年)的詹姆斯·威廉·富布赖特(James William Fulbright)对此感慨道:“这是参议员们乐于加入的委员会,但他们却不愿做任何事情。”[166]

国会不但向媒体公开自己的言行,其言行也受媒体影响。有研究发现,电视新闻主要集中报道的是调查听证会,这使得希望得到媒体更多关注的国会改变“其鼓励立法或立法听证会的机制,而越来越转向媒体主导的调查性听证会”[167]。为了吸引媒体的关注,国会议员和委员会也在转变:“引起媒体关注和报道的唯一方法是成为媒体关注议题的最佳也是最全面的信息源,或者选择一个比总统推行的议题更具有新闻价值议题(如负面、出人意料、精英或模棱两可等性质的议题)。”[168]

最后,遇有热点问题或突发事件,第一时间被媒体采访的国会议员不得不在信息有限又少有人评论过的问题上发表评论或表明立场。而随着时间的推移和相关信息的不断丰富,这些议员却发现很难改变当初的过早论断。

值得注意的是,在外交决策过程中,公众舆论也始终以自己的被动但却可能一触即发的方式影响着决策者,并通过媒体向决策者传达信息,在外交决策中也扮演着重要的角色。因此,研究新闻媒体对公众舆论之于外交决策的影响也极为重要,这也正是本书下面要考察的问题。

【注释】

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[147]汤姆·布罗考(Tom Brokaw),NBC晚间新闻(NBC Nightly News)节目主持人。这里代指布罗考主持的晚间新闻节目。

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